We're travelling to China for 2 weeks. Landing and departing from Guangzhou.

After some work in Guanzhou, we want to travel and experience the other cities but I don't know how much is feasible. Among these options, what is best to keep and what can be skipped?

- Guangzhou (mandatory)

- Shanghai (mandatory)

- Shenzhen

- Chongqing

- Zhangjiajie

- Guilin

- Chengdu

- Yunnan

Along with Shanghai and Guangzhou, I believe 3 or 4 more areas are doable. Would appreciate your suggestions!

Just to be able to navigate this small mess.

So, my son fell and took the fall on his shoulder, broke the collarbone. We know he needs surgery (already did a visit late last night with x-rays and stuff)

So generally, what happens next? Everyone at the hospital was kind and efficient, but I really have no idea how to navigate this in a different country.

The doctor recommended surgery and then a follow up visit, which we will do of course.

Does anybody here know more or less how much this will cost? I am going to call the insurance company today to start the whole process. Thankfully it doesnt really matter since it should mostly be covered, but it would still be good to know.

I am quite anxious right now.

Shopping around for a new insurance package this year. Curious which company people use and how they like it.

Please comment which company, the premium (estimate is fine), and your experience using it. I don't go to the hospital often. But plan to start going a couple times a year for blood work and usual checkups.

I figure this post could help people out. The others I saw were many years old, so figured this topic could use a refresh.

CHEYENNE, Wyo. (AP) — A Wyoming microbiology graduate student from China has been arrested on accusations she poisoned the tea of a colleague who had pending patents and with whom she didn’t get along, then tried to flee the country after police questioned her.

Aili Wang, 32, was arrested Oct. 6 at Los Angeles International Airport, where prosecutors allege she sought to return to China. With her were laptops, electronic storage devices and documents now in the possession of police, who allege Wang was seen on surveillance video rummaging through the desk of the victim who specialized in technology for disease treatment — research similar to work she’d done in China.

Wang remained jailed without bail Tuesday in Los Angeles. She allegedly bought a chemical, acrylamide, over eBay, and it was first detected when the alleged victim’s wife and others tested water from the coffee maker he used to brew tea.

U.S. officials for years have accused China of stealing intellectual property from American universities.

The microbiology professor overseeing both graduate students, Mark Gomelsky, said the accusations left him reeling. He was uncertain if the victim will fully recover.

“It’s been disheartening, to say the least, to see that one of your student’s life is in jeopardy and another student may be responsible for that,” Gomelsky told The Associated Press. “That was one of the worst shocks in my professional career.”

Wang had no attorney listed in court documents. The AP tried to reach her via email and LinkedIn messages.

Amateur sleuthing helps campus cops develop case

The police investigation began after the victim, identified in court documents as “K.T.,” began experiencing symptoms and his wife and others allegedly isolated the chemical in the coffee maker water. The victim and campus police then set up surveillance cameras in the office space he shared with Wang at the university in Laramie.

Wang allegedly was recorded Sept. 27 going through the alleged victim’s desk. On Oct. 1, she was recorded “taking photos and manipulating notebooks” on his desk, as well as rinsing out his mug with a liquid from her own mug, a University of Wyoming campus police officer’s affidavit said.

Wang and the alleged victim, who did not share research areas, did not get along, according to the affidavit.

During an interview by campus police on Oct. 5, Wang allegedly said she “had not used acrylamide in years.” A day later she was taken into custody in Los Angeles while in possession of “multiple laptops, multiple portable external digital storage devices, related accessories, physical records and written materials,” according to a request by Wyoming prosecutors to “significantly increase” her $200,000 bond upon extradition.

Wang had no reason to go through the desk of the other student whose federally funded, patent-pending research involved “new technology for cancer, neurological and genetic disease treatment,” according to the affidavit.

Wang “was reportedly working on similar research in China before coming to the U.S.,” the affidavit alleges.

A high-achieving student from Vietnam

Gomelsky described the alleged victim as a highly successful student from Vietnam.

Wang failed her first attempt to defend her dissertation and became envious of her colleague’s success in discovering how to deliver RNA to human cells using bacteria, Gomelsky told The Associated Press.

The alleged victim began experiencing extreme tiredness, inability to sleep and other unexplained symptoms soon after attending a prestigious conference in August, Gomelsky said.

He also noticed a strange taste in the tea that he made with a small coffee maker on his desk, Gomelsky said. When he washed the coffee maker, Gomelsky said, the taste would go away.

Suspecting someone in their shared office could be poisoning the graduate student, Gomelsky said a chemistry professor tested the water and identified acrylamide.

Wang had not been doing lab work since June while she worked on her dissertation, he said.

Suspect faces return to Wyoming to face charges

Wang faces a felony aggravated assault and battery charge in Wyoming punishable by up to 10 years in prison and a $10,000 fine.

It’s not clear when she could be extradited to the state, where Albany County Circuit Court Judge Robert Sanford granted prosecutors’ request and raised bond to $1.5 million cash-only.

Wang allegedly asked eBay to delete her account after she bought acrylamide over the online retail site twice last summer, police said.

Best known as a carcinogenic byproduct of cooking starchy food and burning tobacco, acrylamide can be acutely toxic in high doses. It’s used in microbiology research involving proteins or DNA.

Discovery of the substance immediately made Tak Sumaya, an assistant professor who helped identify it in the coffee maker water, suspicious. Acrylamide is “not something you would find in that kind of quantity anywhere,” Sumaya said.

The alleged victim was working on “a pretty promising cancer therapy method,” Sumaya said. Wang, Sumaya added, took photos of every page of a notebook the alleged victim left on his desk.

“You wouldn’t do that with like your office or lab mate’s notebook unless there’s a really good reason, and there wasn’t,” Sumaya said.

Professor says the victim is still experiencing symptoms

The alleged victim went to the campus health clinic in August with worsening finger tingling and numbness, and leg weakness. Suspicion led his wife and others to boil away coffee maker water from the shared office to isolate 63 milligrams of white powder that tested positive for acrylamide, according to the affidavit.

The amateur investigators turned the sample over to university police.

The alleged victim continues to experience symptoms from the poisoning, including not being able to focus, tiring easily and a loss of sensation in his left hand, Gomelsky said.

“Acrylamide is a neurotoxin that cannot be neutralized so it stays in neurons and basically kills them. So it’s unclear if he’ll fully recover or not,” the professor said.

When I was at BICC (Beijing International Chinese College) back in 2017/2018 they served a spicy fish soup that I have not stopped thinking about. I emailed the school and my teachers but nobody has gotten back to me. I did some digging and it might be “Suan Cai Yu noodle soup” but I’m not 100%. All I know is that it was delicious and I desperately want to eat it again.

Hi all,

I'm a German expat who's recently moved from Qingdao to the far south of Shanghai (Fengxian) and I'm having trouble finding connections. I don't want to go to the city center every time I wanna meet people as it takes more than an hour by taxi.

Is anyone here living in the south of Shanghai and would like to occasionally meet up, or maybe you know interesting places to go to?

I'm 36 f and I don't like partying and drinking. I know people suggest going to bars and meeting people there, but that's just not my cup of tea.

I like nature, literature, video games and TTRPGs, and I'm very interested in the humanities and cultural studies.

Kind of boring, I know, but there should be something for me to do in this city. Maybe. Any suggestions?

Hey everyone!

We're a small group of expats living in China looking for more people to join us for WoW: Forever when it launches after November 4th.

We've already got a few friends playing together and a WeChat group set up, but we'd love to find more English-speaking players based in China (expats or locals, everyone's welcome!).

Nothing too hardcore or sweaty. Just looking to build a friendly group to level together, run dungeons, eventually raid, and generally have a good time.

Being in China, it'd be great to find more people playing in the same time zone.

If you're interested, leave a comment or send me a DM and I'll add you to our WeChat group!

(Continued from Part One)

The Real Motive Behind the Authorities' Mandatory Social Insurance Contribution Policy: Financial Strains on Social Insurance Funds, Rising Expenditures, and Declining Revenues
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The Chinese authorities' stated reason for requiring workers to contribute to social insurance is to regulate employment practices and protect workers' rights and interests. In reality, however, the policy is an attempt to expand the sources of social insurance reserves in response to increasingly strained funds and the growing prospect of financial shortfalls.
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In recent years, social insurance funds, particularly the funding pools for medical and pension insurance, have come under increasing financial pressure. Some regions, such as Northeast China and western China, already face expenditures exceeding revenues and require fiscal transfers from the southeastern coastal regions and other areas. In 2024, expenditures from China's national medical insurance fund increased by 5.5%, while revenues grew by only 4.4%. As population aging intensifies, the number of people contributing to social insurance is declining while the number receiving benefits is increasing, making future shortfalls increasingly severe. Official projections indicate that the annual pension fund balance will turn negative in 2028 and that accumulated pension reserves will be exhausted by 2035.
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Misuse of Social Insurance Funds and the Lack of Oversight
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Apart from the effects of population aging and other social developments, social insurance funds have also been embezzled, misappropriated, and misused by local governments and relevant institutions. According to official reports from China's National Audit Office (国家审计署), some local governments have diverted social insurance funds to purposes unrelated to social insurance, including emergency public welfare expenditures, debt repayment, and infrastructure construction. Such practices have further aggravated the financial strain on social insurance funds. Although some of these expenditures may also serve legitimate public welfare purposes, "robbing Peter to pay Paul" inevitably undermines the reliability of social insurance payments. Using these funds to repay debts or finance infrastructure projects deviates even further from the purpose of social insurance: the government is using the people's money to repay its own debts and enhance its political achievements.
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The storage and use of social insurance funds are also opaque to the public. Citizens cannot monitor where the social insurance contributions they pay actually go, and they cannot even clearly ascertain the true figures concerning the national social insurance funding pool. This lack of transparency itself increases the risks of corruption and misappropriation. Naturally, the public becomes even more concerned that the benefits promised in exchange for their contributions may never materialize, and that the money they worked so hard to earn and pay into the system will simply go down the drain.
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Severe Inequality and Unfairness in Social Insurance Benefits: "Negative Welfare" and "Robbing the Poor to Enrich the Rich"
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The most serious problem, however, remains the inequality and injustice in the distribution of social insurance benefits. China's social insurance policies are significantly tilted toward elites within the system who hold power and determine policy, while disadvantaging ordinary people who lack power and influence. As mentioned earlier, government officials and employees of state-owned enterprises and public institutions enjoy the highest levels of medical, pension, work-related injury, and other forms of protection. By contrast, the social insurance benefits available to employees of non-state-owned enterprises, especially small and medium-sized businesses, are often only 20%–50% of those enjoyed by the former group. Ordinary urban and rural residents, including self-employed individuals, receive even more meager benefits. Yet the funds supporting these benefits come from social insurance contributions and taxes paid by the entire population.
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This means that government officials whose social insurance contribution periods are "deemed to have been paid" receive pensions and medical insurance benefits financed by ordinary citizens who have actually paid social insurance contributions. Although many employees of government agencies, state-owned enterprises, and public institutions have indeed paid relatively high social insurance contributions, the pensions, medical reimbursements, work-related injury subsidies, and other benefits they ultimately receive are still significantly greater than those received by employees of non-state-owned enterprises and ordinary urban and rural residents.
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Such a system of social insurance contributions and distribution can be described as a form of "negative welfare" that "robs the poor to enrich the rich." A normal social security system generally favors the poor and vulnerable: the poorer a person is, the lower the cost of obtaining medical and pension protection and the greater the relative benefits received. Wealthier people, meanwhile, are expected to bear relatively higher costs. This is also the original purpose of a normal social security system: to narrow the gap between rich and poor and promote social justice through collective participation in insurance by citizens.
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In China, however, the longstanding reality has been that the more power, wealth, and status people possess, the more social protection they can enjoy from the state. Moreover, they often need to contribute very little in advance, or may even have their contribution obligations effectively written off through arrangements such as "deemed contributions." Conversely, the less power ordinary people in the lower and middle-lower classes possess, the more they must pay in various social insurance contributions and taxes in exchange for meager protection.
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Even during the eras of Mao Zedong (毛泽东) and Deng Xiaoping (邓小平), farmers and other vulnerable groups were required to pay agricultural taxes and other levies while receiving virtually no effective institutional protection in medical care, pensions, or other areas. Although the Mao era had a cooperative medical system centered on "barefoot doctors" (赤脚医生), it was extremely rudimentary and of poor quality, and could not treat most serious illnesses. Meanwhile, government officials enjoyed publicly funded medical care, which was often entirely or largely free for the individual. The free portion was financed by the state, government institutions, or state-owned enterprises, with the funds ultimately coming from all workers and taxpayers.
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, China's social security system has gradually shifted from what was once entirely "negative welfare" toward "zero welfare" and "positive welfare." In other words, ordinary people and vulnerable groups have begun to receive some social protection, bringing the system somewhat closer to those of normal countries. In particular, farmers at the bottom of society have gained access to modest basic pensions and medical insurance protection against major illnesses, benefits they had never previously enjoyed.
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Nevertheless, viewed in terms of the social insurance system and its distribution mechanisms as a whole, China can still be described as a "negative welfare" state. This is because powerful and privileged groups, government officials, and elites within the system continue to receive excellent social welfare protection at relatively low costs—paying relatively little in taxes and social insurance contributions compared with their incomes—while enjoying high salaries, substantial pensions, and generous medical reimbursement. Meanwhile, ordinary people in the lower and middle-lower classes outside the system must still bear costs that are relatively high in relation to their financial circumstances merely to obtain welfare protection sufficient to maintain a basic standard of living. Moreover, if they experience a major crisis, such as a serious illness, bankruptcy, or an accident, their basic welfare protection is far from sufficient to help them overcome the difficulties. Such crises may also prevent them from continuing to contribute to or receive social insurance benefits, trapping them in a vicious cycle.
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The differences between the social insurance contributions and benefits of privileged officials and bureaucrats within the system and ordinary people outside it can be illustrated numerically. Suppose someone within the system contributes 1,000 yuan and receives 10,000 yuan in benefits, while someone outside the system contributes 500 yuan and receives 2,000 yuan. Although the person within the system contributes more, both the rate of return and the total amount of benefits are clearly higher than those received by the person outside it. Moreover, for people outside the system who lack protection and a sense of security and face financial difficulties, that 500 yuan is often more important than 1,000 yuan is to those within the system. People within the system can easily afford to contribute 1,000 yuan to social insurance, while those outside it must think carefully and cut back on expenses even to contribute 500 yuan.
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China's Economic Downturn and Government Fiscal Strains: The Social Insurance System Faces a Greater Crisis and the Risk of Financial Collapse
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In the longer term, there is a substantial possibility that China's social insurance system, particularly medical and pension insurance, will experience a financial collapse. A national social insurance system may appear authoritative and reliable, but in essence it shares fundamental similarities with commercial insurance, corporate investment, and even pyramid schemes: all require a continuous inflow of new participants or funds, with revenues exceeding financial shortfalls, in order to sustain operations resembling a game of "passing the parcel." The difference between national social insurance and commercial activities is that the state has fiscal resources to serve as a backstop, cover shortfalls, and provide guarantees. However, the healthy functioning of a national social insurance system depends on a growing economy, a relatively young population, abundant fiscal resources, and political stability. Under such conditions, national social insurance funds can maintain surpluses, or at least balance revenues and expenditures, and afford the enormous costs of medical care, pensions, and other benefits for the population.
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China's current situation, however, is characterized by an increasingly sluggish economy, severe population aging, a low birth rate, fiscal constraints, and risks and pressures across all sectors of society. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to expect sufficient funds to be available in the future to guarantee normal social insurance expenditures. In fact, in recent years, reports have already emerged from various institutions in some less-developed regions of their inability to pay salaries, pensions, and medical insurance reimbursements normally. Such incidents have so far remained relatively scattered and isolated. However, as economic conditions continue to deteriorate and fiscal pressures intensify, a nationwide financial collapse of the system may well occur. During the COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 to 2022, not only was the economy severely affected, but enormous amounts of medical insurance funds were also spent on nucleic acid testing, the construction of makeshift hospitals, and other measures, resulting in massive waste. The tightening of medical insurance reimbursement in subsequent years, and the inability of many people to obtain normal reimbursement, are among the lingering consequences of this misuse of medical insurance funds.
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It is against this background that the authorities introduced the "new policy" of mandatory medical insurance contributions, presented in the form of a judicial interpretation and under the banner of "protecting workers' rights and interests." If the economy were flourishing and the future could confidently be expected to improve, standardizing the social security system could indeed be a beneficial measure. Under present circumstances, however, it merely imposes a heavier financial burden on ordinary Chinese people, especially workers in the lower and middle-lower classes. Moreover, it is difficult to be optimistic about whether pension and other social insurance benefits will actually be paid as promised in the future.
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Furthermore, judging from the Chinese authorities' previous conduct on various issues, such as the family planning policy and the policy of common prosperity, they have repeatedly made attractive and solemn promises only to break them later. For example, when promoting the family planning policy, the government claimed that it would assume responsibility for supporting the elderly parents of only children, as reflected in the slogan, "Having just one child is good; the government will provide for you in old age" (只生一个好，政府来养老). Yet when the parents of the only-child generation reached old age, the message changed to "You cannot rely on the government for old-age support" (养老不能靠政府). During the period of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping also advocated that "those who become rich first should help others become rich later" (先富带后富) and promoted "common prosperity" (共同富裕). He also stated, "If reform leads to polarization between rich and poor, it will have failed." Today, however, the wealth gap, class rigidity, and privileges enjoyed by powerful elites have become increasingly severe. These precedents make it difficult for Chinese people to place confidence in the rosy promises made by the authorities concerning social insurance policies. Instead, they are filled with skepticism about whether those promises will be honored.
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Mandatory Social Insurance Contributions Enrich Privileged Elites Within the System While Increasing the Burden on Ordinary People: Benefiting Officials Rather Than Citizens, and the Rich Rather Than the Poor
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Regardless of whether individuals will eventually receive the pensions and medical insurance reimbursements to which they are entitled, one thing is certain: a large portion of the social insurance contributions being paid today will be used to finance the pensions of current retirees and the medical expenses of those who are ill. Among the principal beneficiaries are privileged elites and leading officials within the system who receive substantial pensions and full medical reimbursement, as well as many mid-ranking civil servants and state-owned enterprise employees who occupy their positions without performing meaningful work. In exchange for relatively small social insurance contributions, they receive generous benefits, enjoying enormous returns on minimal investment and virtually guaranteed security regardless of circumstances.
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The distribution of social insurance benefits operates through multiple parallel systems, while the sources of social insurance funding are pooled together. This means that much of the money paid by ordinary citizens is used to support the privileged. At a time when ordinary Chinese people already have meager incomes, forcing them to contribute to social insurance in order to support privileged elites within the system is clearly a case of "robbing the poor to enrich the rich."
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Moreover, as the number of retirees continues to increase and the labor force continues to shrink, each ordinary worker will have to support an increasing number of privileged beneficiaries within the system, placing an ever-heavier burden on workers. Some workers become ill from years of overwork and may still be unable to afford treatment even if half of their medical expenses are reimbursed. If they die before reaching the age of 60, their expected pension benefits will be lost. Even if they live beyond 60, there is no guarantee of how long they will be able to collect their pensions. Although their family members can indeed withdraw the remaining balance in their social insurance accounts, inflation means that the money withdrawn will have lost purchasing power compared with the same nominal amount when it was originally contributed. Moreover, individuals may not necessarily wish to leave this money to their families, and some may have no heirs at all.
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Mandatory social insurance contributions also mean that enterprises must pay approximately twice as much as their employees in social insurance contributions. In today's already intensely competitive environment of "involution" (内卷), businesses seeking to maintain their profits—or even merely reduce their losses—have little choice but to shift their share of social insurance costs onto employees, either by reducing wages or by increasing working hours and labor intensity. Both business owners and employees face greater pressure and must work harder and endure more exhaustion simply to maintain their previous levels of income. The business environment will inevitably deteriorate further, with increasingly intense involution, unfair competition, and bankruptcies.
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It is true that most countries around the world, particularly most developed countries, have mandatory social insurance contribution policies. In countries such as Germany, France, Japan, South Korea, and Canada, workers and enterprises are required to contribute to social insurance, with total contributions reaching 40% of wages or even more. However, these countries are able to distribute social insurance benefits fairly among their citizens, give relatively greater consideration to vulnerable groups, and ensure that benefits are paid in a timely manner. The collection, expenditure, and financial condition of social insurance funds are also subject to public oversight. Under democratic systems, adjustments to social insurance policies are determined by the will of the majority. China's situation is entirely different from that of these countries.
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Clearly, the Chinese authorities' policy of mandatory social insurance contributions is detrimental to most workers, business owners, and the business environment, while benefiting those within the system who enjoy generous social protection and receive substantial pensions. It is therefore hardly surprising that the policy has provoked a public backlash, that people are unwilling to be forced to contribute to social insurance, and that some have even chosen to "stand on the same side as the capitalists (business owners)."
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The Roots of the Social Insurance Controversy Lie in Unfair Distribution, Stagnant Reform, and the Absence of Democracy: Distribution Is Controlled by Vested Interests, While Ordinary People Are Left as Lambs to the Slaughter
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The core problems underlying the current controversy over mandatory social insurance contributions, as well as the broader social insurance system, are unfair distribution, the meager incomes of the lower and middle-lower classes, and the hardships they face in everyday life. Since the beginning of reform and opening up, China's economy has developed at an extraordinary pace, and the country has indeed "become wealthier." However, the gap between rich and poor has also continued to widen. Although people in the lower and middle-lower classes have largely overcome the problems of hunger and basic subsistence, their incomes remain meager. They can barely sustain their daily lives, while the burdens they face remain heavy. Most Chinese people are still far from materially affluent, and their lives lack a sense of security. They remain in a vulnerable position, unable to withstand substantial risks and pressures. Social insurance was originally intended to narrow the wealth gap, guarantee ordinary people's basic livelihoods, and strengthen their sense of security. In China, however, it has become a means for the government to extract wealth from the people and lavish resources on officials and the privileged, imposing additional burdens on ordinary citizens. People's dissatisfaction with mandatory social insurance contributions is therefore another eruption of anger over deeper structural injustices in society.
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Although the Chinese authorities repeatedly emphasize the need to reform the distribution system in official propaganda and textbooks, using expressions such as "increasing the share of household income in national income and the share of labor remuneration in primary distribution," "placing greater emphasis on fairness in redistribution," and "addressing the problems of inadequate and uneven development and national income," these objectives have not been translated into reality. There is a profound gulf between the rhetoric of official propaganda and the realities of society.
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To resolve the social insurance controversy and truly transform social insurance into a beneficial instrument for promoting fairness and protecting people's livelihoods, China must reform its distribution mechanisms. Fairness must be emphasized in both primary distribution and redistribution, the incomes of people in the lower and middle-lower classes must be increased, and the hierarchical and multi-track systems of welfare protection must gradually be abolished. Corruption within the distribution system and the operation of social insurance must also be combated. Social insurance funds must genuinely be "collected from the people and used for the people" (取之于民，用之于民), with a high degree of transparency and public oversight. Of course, the most important thing is for all these measures to be implemented in practice rather than remaining merely slogans in propaganda and textbooks.
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What makes the situation pessimistic, however, is that China's political and institutional system has become increasingly conservative in recent years, reforms to the distribution system have stagnated, and class rigidity has grown ever more severe. Meanwhile, the absence of political reform and the people's inability to exercise power have fundamentally blocked the possibility of various beneficial reforms. Power is accountable only to the source from which it derives. In China, power is concentrated in the hands of a small minority of vested interests, who naturally refuse to relinquish their privileges and benefits, including their high incomes and generous social protection. If China cannot achieve democratization and ordinary people cannot participate in "dividing the cake," then they can only become the "cakes" on the menu, ordered and devoured by the powerful and privileged figures and their followers gathered around the dining table. Before fundamental institutional change takes place, the various hardships affecting people's livelihoods, including the social insurance controversy, are unlikely to be properly resolved.

(Due to character limits, the article has to be published in two parts. This is the second part.)

(This article was written by Wang Qingmin (王庆民), a Chinese writer and international political affairs researcher based in Europe. The original text is in Chinese.)

Hello 👋
I’m going to a wedding in Yangshui and our hotel and venue is near Xingpingzhen.
Does anyone have good contact for road bike or gravel rental in Xingpingzhen not on Yangshuo town?
I would like to plan a 70km loop in the Area so a proper bike would be appreciated!

​

Hi everyone! I have a Diploma in Electronics and Telecommunication and around 8 years of experience in sales, customer management, commercial operations, and service sales. I’m currently working as a Deputy Manager – Service Sales.

I want to explore job opportunities in China or other countries, but I’m worried that not having a bachelor’s degree might limit my options.

I’ve started learning project management and am preparing for PMP certification.

Could you please guide me on what I should do next? Is working abroad realistic with my background? Which skills or certifications should I focus on, and what career path would give me better opportunities?

I would really appreciate honest advice from people who have faced a similar situation or have experience working abroad. Thank you!

Is there someone or multiple people who are the Jeffrey Epstein of China? Someone who hangs out with politicians and the rich and provides them access to women?

里面有中文翻译字幕呀，博主本人也讲中文，很地道的中文故事，大家可以看看，中国现状
里面有中文翻译字幕呀，博主本人也讲中文，很地道的中文故事，大家可以看看，中国现状
里面有中文翻译字幕呀，博主本人也讲中文，很地道的中文故事，大家可以看看，中国现状
里面有中文翻译字幕呀，博主本人也讲中文，很地道的中文故事，大家可以看看，中国现状

KOROR, Palau -- Palau President Surangel Whipps Jr. claims the Pacific island nation of just 18,000 people is under assault from an influx of illegal drugs that threaten governmental and social stability. The culprits, he says, are Chinese nationals.

"Drugs have been on the rise, especially crystal meth, and we now have 13 Chinese imprisoned in Palau," Whipps told reporters during the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting (PIFLM) his country hosted from late August to early September, expressing exasperation at a situation that has compounded prison overcrowding.

The archipelago's only jail, with a capacity of 65 prisoners, held 113 as of the end of September, the 13 Chinese accounting for 11.5% of those incarcerated. Six Chinese nationals were sentenced between July and October last year for trafficking, possessing or attempting to import illicit drugs, according to announcements posted on Palau's Ministry of Justice's Facebook page. On Tuesday, the overall number of prisoners stood at 107, with the number of Chinese at 12, or 11% of the total, according to the ministry. Chinese made up the largest foreign nationality, it said.

Palau is one of few countries that maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan rather than China and Whipps has been critical of Beijing. In 2024, he accused it of being behind a cyberattack on his country. China's foreign ministry countered that the country "firmly opposes and cracks down on all forms of cyberattacks."

And while Whipps did not claim any direct Chinese government involvement in the drug issue, he told Nikkei Asia that what the Chinese nationals bring in is "directed at the Palau market" so they "can make money here and they can weaken our government and our social structures."

In May 2025, a court in the Northern Mariana Islands sentenced a Chinese national to 25 years in prison in a methamphetamine case that stretched from Saipan and Guam to Palau, where he had fled and was convicted of manslaughter in the killing of another Chinese national before being extradited.

Whipps cited the case as an example of the problem's cross-border nature and called for greater cooperation and improvement in sharing information in the Pacific region to prevent such "bad actors" from entering the region "because they are destroying our youth, destabilizing our countries."

Nikkei Asia has reached out to China's foreign and justice ministries for comment.

Palau, located east of the Philippines and north of Indonesia, is not the only Pacific country facing drug challenges, the causes of which vary. The leaders recognize the problem and agreed in their PIFLM communique last month to "strengthen cooperation against transnational organized crime and illicit drug trafficking through enhanced intelligence sharing, coordination and maritime security cooperation."

David Manning, Papua New Guinea's police commissioner, told Nikkei Asia that while meth and its precursors brought there arrive "mostly out of Asia," the "large majority" of illegal drugs coming through is cocaine from Central and South America.

That route, commonly known as the Pacific Drug Highway, brings narcotics via yachts and semi-submersibles destined for the lucrative Australian and New Zealand markets. Between January and May, 17 metric tons of illicit drugs, mostly cocaine, were seized in the Pacific, compared to 4.6 tons in all of 2025, Australian Federal Police said in May.

Caught in the middle of the route are small countries like Fiji, traditionally a transit point, but which is now seeing drugs on its streets. The Fiji Police Force recorded 2,446 cases of illicit drug activity in the year to May 2025, with 50 cases involving juveniles.

Driven by a sharp rise in intravenous meth use and unsanitary needle sharing. Fiji has seen an estimated increase of more than 3,000% in new HIV infections since 2010, according to UNAIDS modelling. It faces the fastest-growing HIV epidemic in the world, with health authorities in September declaring a national emergency for HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. One in every 60 adults now has HIV, says the Ministry of Health.

While Chinese or Chinese-speaking criminal networks have also conducted similar activities across Southeast Asia, "what makes Palau particularly significant is the scale of this activity relative to the country's very small population and institutional capacity," Comolli told Nikkei Asia.

John Hennessey-Niland, a former U.S. ambassador to Palau, said Chinese criminal organizations have long been active in the country and "really are a menace to the people here, and to good governance and stability," specifically through cybercrime.

"They realize that because Palau doesn't have official relations with Beijing, this may be a more benign place to operate," he told Nikkei Asia. "The long reach of Chinese police and authorities may be a little bit harder to get to here because Palau recognizes Taiwan, so they may have felt this is a perfect spot."

Olegeriil said she knows where the drugs come from, but did not identify the location. "I enforce the law, so I deal with numbers and I follow the leads, I follow where the drugs come from, I follow where the money's coming in from, and it's leading me to one specific country and origin," she said. "I haven't seen any other leads taking me somewhere else."

She added that smugglers bring drugs in suitcases, on their persons, through parcels delivered to the post office, drop offs on outer islands and containers on commercial cargo vehicles.

Graeme Smith, senior fellow at the Australian National University's Department of Pacific Affairs, cited Palau's ease of entry as an issue. "That is part of the problem of a lot of tourism-dependent Pacific countries, in that you rely on Chinese tourists, but you also rely on them being truthful when they enter the country. That's a big vulnerability."

China is currently Palau's largest single source of tourists, with 20,792 Chinese visitors recorded in the first 8 months of 2026, making up over one-third of total international visitors, according to Bureau of Immigration data.

There has been some cooperation with authorities in China. Intelligence sharing by Palau with Macao uncovered a cross-border drug trafficking syndicate operating in the region and several arrests were made in the Chinese special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macao, preventing 3.4 kilograms of meth from entering the Pacific country, according to the 2025 NSCO report.

But Comolli said that while "evidence points to an increasingly important Chinese dimension to methamphetamine trafficking in Palau, particularly since 2024," other drug sources, including from the Philippines, the U.S. and Guam, still play a role.

Olegeriil said illicit drugs are now gradually permeating Palauan society, with the customer base broadening. Sellers are "breaking it into components, which are more accessible and more affordable to different groups of the population."

Nancy Wong, a member of Mechesil Belau, a prominent Palau women's group, told Nikkei Asia addiction has been "getting worse," contributing to a loss of productivity, an increase in thefts and robberies and families being torn apart.

In January, Whipps declared 2026 as the year to Just Say No to Illegal Drugs and launched a national working group in February to coordinate a unified response. He signed a bill in May that expands drug testing and increases penalties for serious drug-related offenses.

Palau is also beefing up border security, from investing in airport X-ray machines to stationing narcotics officers in post offices. In June, Japan delivered new drug detection devices, expanding Palau's customs screening capabilities at different points of entry. The U.S. has also provided drug-sniffing dogs.

"We're sending a message out there that Palau is a nation of laws, and we are going to not just sit idly by while foreign influences come and bring the drugs to try and destroy our communities," Olegeriil said. "This is my message: we're coming after you."

But detection and interdiction are not enough to solve the problem, which requires an "all-inclusive approach" by government and society, she said. That means reinforcing education in schools about drug harms and implementing addiction treatment and counseling programs in hospitals. Partners have been helpful, with Taiwan funding grants for 31 community organizations supporting antidrug initiatives earlier this year.

Mechesil Belau's Wong noted the challenge but expressed confidence. "We're a small country. It can be contained or eradicated, but it takes everybody."

Hello!

I am from the northeast part of the United States.

To make dating easier I would like to find a Chinese girlfriend to marry and move to the US.

Can i make a poster and have someone here add it to the Chinese dating market where single moms look for guys for their daughters?

Ideally I would like to visit China to meet a good woman but this might be easier and then I can come visit.

Hi everyone!
I’m an international student currently studying in Chengdu, China, and I want to make the most of my time here, not just academically but socially as well.
I have a few questions for Chinese people or foreigners who have lived in China for a while:
Making Chinese friends: What’s the best way to make Chinese friends naturally? At university, I often see people spending their free time on their phones or staying with their own friend groups. Is it normal to approach someone and start a conversation, or would that feel awkward?
Learning Chinese: I’m a beginner and really want to improve my Chinese. Do Chinese people generally appreciate it when foreigners try to speak Chinese, even if they make a lot of mistakes? What’s the best way to practise with native speakers?
Dating in China: I’m also curious about dating culture here. How do Chinese people usually meet potential partners? Is it common to date foreigners, and what’s a respectful way to show interest in a Chinese girl without making things awkward?
Your advice: If you could give one piece of advice to an international student who wants to become part of Chinese society rather than staying in an international bubble, what would it be?
I’d really appreciate honest advice and different perspectives. Thank you!

Differentiated and Hierarchical Social Insurance Benefits Among Different Status Groups in China: Enormous Gains for Elites Within the System, Mere Scraps for Ordinary People Outside It — Taking Medical and Pension Insurance as Examples　1
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The Burden of Social Insurance Contributions on Workers Outside the System and in the Lower and Middle-Lower Classes, and the Limited and Uncertain Benefits They Receive　2
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Mandatory Social Insurance Contributions Also Increase the Burden on Business Owners, Weaken Corporate Competitiveness, and Ultimately Shift Costs onto Employees　3
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The Real Motive Behind the Authorities' Mandatory Social Insurance Contribution Policy: Financial Strains on Social Insurance Funds, Rising Expenditures, and Declining Revenues　3
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Misuse of Social Insurance Funds and the Lack of Oversight　4
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Severe Inequality and Unfairness in Social Insurance Benefits: "Negative Welfare" and "Robbing the Poor to Enrich the Rich"　4
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China's Economic Downturn and Government Fiscal Strains: The Social Insurance System Faces a Greater Crisis and the Risk of Financial Collapse　5
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Mandatory Social Insurance Contributions Enrich Privileged Elites Within the System While Increasing the Burden on Ordinary People: Benefiting Officials Rather Than Citizens, and the Rich Rather Than the Poor　5
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The Roots of the Social Insurance Controversy Lie in Unfair Distribution, Stagnant Reform, and the Absence of Democracy: Distribution Is Controlled by Vested Interests, While Ordinary People Are Left as Lambs to the Slaughter　6
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Not long ago, China's Supreme People's Court (最高人民法院) issued a judicial interpretation declaring that any employment agreement or labor contract providing for nonpayment of social insurance contributions is invalid. The interpretation officially took effect on September 1. As soon as the news emerged, it sparked enormous controversy.
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Social insurance includes pension, medical, unemployment, work-related injury, and maternity insurance. Individuals and enterprises each contribute a portion of the premiums, while the state finances the remainder. Insured individuals receive benefits when they meet the relevant eligibility requirements. Under normal circumstances, such an insurance system should benefit those who participate in it. Why, then, has it provoked such enormous controversy and so many opposing voices?
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The reason is that, in China, there are enormous disparities in social insurance benefits among people of different occupational identities and social classes. The benefits are distributed unequally, while social insurance contributions represent a substantial expense for the lower and middle-lower classes, especially those at the bottom of society. Moreover, whether social insurance benefits will be fully honored in the future remains unknown, and the returns on social insurance contributions are fraught with uncertainty.
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Differentiated and Hierarchical Social Insurance Benefits Among Different Status Groups in China: Enormous Gains for Elites Within the System, Mere Scraps for Ordinary People Outside It — Taking Medical and Pension Insurance as Examples
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Regarding disparities in social insurance benefits, medical insurance and pension insurance provide particularly revealing examples. China's medical insurance system is divided into three categories: employees, urban residents, and rural villagers. Further distinctions exist between civil servants and non-civil servants, employees of state-owned enterprises and those of non-state-owned enterprises, and leading officials and ordinary employees. People of different statuses face enormous differences in reimbursement rates, the range of medications and medical services covered, and the convenience of obtaining reimbursement.
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For example, senior officials can enjoy reimbursement rates approaching 100%, with virtually no restrictions on the categories of medications, types of surgery, or medical services eligible for reimbursement. This explains the existence of special hospital wards for senior officials, leading officials staying in intensive care units for extended periods with daily nursing costs reaching five-digit figures, unrestricted access to expensive imported medicines, and hospitals welcoming senior officials as patients. Medical expenses for senior officials are often settled directly between hospitals and social insurance agencies, without requiring family members to run around handling reimbursement procedures. Ordinary people, by contrast, are nominally eligible for reimbursement of only around 60% of their medical expenses. In practice, many high-quality, highly effective medications and essential medical procedures are excluded from coverage, while restrictions based on hospital classification and geographical location also apply. Consequently, most medical expenses actually have to be paid out of pocket. Ordinary people also frequently encounter complicated procedures and bureaucratic obstacles when seeking reimbursement for medical expenses—that is, when trying to claim their medical insurance benefits.
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The disparities and inequalities in pension payments are even more pronounced. Pension recipients are divided into four categories: government agencies, state-owned enterprises, and public institutions; employees of non-state-owned enterprises; urban residents; and rural villagers. Among these groups, retirees from government agencies, state-owned enterprises, and public institutions receive the highest pensions, with amounts increasing according to their administrative or professional rank. Employees of non-state-owned enterprises receive significantly lower pensions, while urban and rural residents receive the lowest amounts, with rural residents receiving even less than urban residents.
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For example, according to information released by the Social Insurance Bureau of Yingtan, Jiangxi Province (江西鹰潭社保局), concerning pension payments in January 2023, the authorities distributed 69.09 million yuan in pensions to 13,600 retired government officials and public-sector personnel; 178.85 million yuan to 75,500 enterprise retirees; and 28.54 million yuan to 137,800 urban and rural residents who had contributed to pension insurance. Calculations based on these figures show that the average monthly pension was 5,080 yuan for retirees from government agencies and public institutions, 2,368 yuan for enterprise retirees, and 207 yuan for urban and rural residents. In addition, farmers who had not contributed to pension insurance received a basic monthly pension of only 123 yuan.
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Other components of social insurance, including work-related injury, unemployment, and maternity protection, likewise provide significantly better benefits to those within the system than to those outside it. Even when both groups pay the relevant insurance contributions, people within the system can obtain generous subsidies relatively easily, whereas those outside it, especially members of the lower and middle-lower classes, encounter numerous procedural and bureaucratic obstacles when applying for subsidies or compensation. Even after considerable effort, the amounts they ultimately receive are very limited.
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The inequalities in medical insurance, pensions, and other social insurance programs are not confined to the distribution of benefits; unfairness is already deeply embedded in the contribution process itself. Under normal circumstances, those who contribute more should receive more, or those who are relatively poorer and more vulnerable should receive relatively greater benefits, or the system should combine both principles. These are fundamental characteristics and original purposes of insurance systems. In China's reality, however, there is a serious inversion between insurance contributions and the benefits received.
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The most obvious example is the so-called "deemed contribution" policy (视同缴纳). Under ordinary rules, leading officials and senior personnel in government agencies and state-owned enterprises who failed to make regular insurance contributions when they were younger, for various reasons, or whose contributions were interrupted, would not qualify for medical, pension, and other benefits reserved for those who had paid their contributions regularly and on time. However, after the introduction of the "deemed contribution" policy, officials and employees who had not contributed in earlier years or whose contributions had been interrupted could still enjoy normal medical reimbursement and pension benefits. For example, someone who worked for 40 years but did not contribute to social insurance for 30 of those years could nevertheless have their pension calculated and paid, and their medical expenses reimbursed, as though they had contributed for the full 40 years. Moreover, most of these beneficiaries are government leaders and middle- or senior-level personnel in state-owned enterprises, enabling them to receive substantial pensions and enjoy free, high-quality medical care.
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The Burden of Social Insurance Contributions on Workers Outside the System and in the Lower and Middle-Lower Classes, and the Limited and Uncertain Benefits They Receive
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Meanwhile, ordinary employees, particularly those working for non-state-owned enterprises, as well as ordinary urban residents and farmers, often lose their eligibility for medical reimbursement and pension benefits if they fail to contribute, make payments late, or experience interruptions in their contributions. Some must make retroactive payments covering several previous years of unpaid social insurance contributions before they can regain coverage. For example, the minimum contribution period for China's national pension insurance is 15 years, with additional tiers of 25, 30, and 40 years, and there are substantial differences in the pension amounts received after retirement. If someone has contributed for fewer than 15 years, they cannot receive pension benefits even if they have already paid some contributions. Instead, they must continue contributing beyond retirement age until they have accumulated 15 years of contributions. This is undoubtedly highly disadvantageous to many workers whose employment is unstable, whose employers do not comply with regulations, or who are sometimes forced to suspend contributions because of financial pressures. Such workers are concentrated among the lower and middle-lower classes outside the system.
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Particularly noteworthy is the situation of farmers who, before the abolition of the agricultural tax, had to labor hard every year to pay "public grain" (公粮, an agricultural tax paid in kind) and various other burdensome taxes and levies. Their history of paying agricultural taxes is not recognized as social insurance contributions, nor is it treated as "deemed contributions." They can receive only a little over 100 yuan in basic monthly pensions, although previously they could not even receive that amount. Yet the value of the public grain and other miscellaneous taxes they paid in earlier years, adjusted for inflation, far exceeds this meager monthly pension of just over 100 yuan. The government nevertheless disregards these past contributions. Farmers who want medical insurance and reimbursement for medical expenses must enroll in and contribute to the New Rural Cooperative Medical Scheme (新农合). The required contribution has continued to rise, reaching 400 yuan per year this year, which is already a considerable amount for impoverished farmers. For those over 60 who have no other income, this means spending approximately 30% of their pension on the New Rural Cooperative Medical Scheme merely to obtain limited medical coverage.
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For most workers outside agriculture, including those in manufacturing and services, contributing to social insurance is likewise not necessarily a matter of benefits outweighing costs, or at the very least requires careful consideration of the trade-offs. According to multiple statistical sources, ordinary workers who contribute to social insurance pay approximately 10% of their wages in contributions (8% for pension insurance, 2% for medical insurance, and 0.5% for unemployment insurance). For middle- and high-income groups, people with relatively stable incomes, and those in relatively comfortable material circumstances, this proportion is still fairly reasonable. (However, if housing provident fund contributions amounting to another 5%–12% of wages are included, the financial pressure becomes considerably greater.)
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But for low- and middle-income groups, people with unstable incomes, and those experiencing financial difficulties, this 10% is extremely important, and paying it into social insurance becomes a heavy burden. For workers earning "3,000 yuan a month" or even less, as well as white-collar and blue-collar workers whose incomes may not be particularly low but who must support elderly parents and young children, repay mortgages and car loans, maintain emergency savings in case of unexpected events, and stretch every penny as far as possible, surrendering 10% of their income to social insurance is extremely painful and difficult to accept.
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Moreover, interruptions in social insurance contributions caused by resignation or other personal circumstances can affect the accumulated contribution period and a person's ability to claim social insurance benefits. For many people without stable employment, it is difficult to guarantee uninterrupted contributions. Those who contribute intermittently find it even harder to obtain the full protection offered by social insurance. This leads more people to prefer not contributing at all.
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Beyond their immediate financial difficulties, many people also worry about the long-term returns and potential losses associated with social insurance. Pension benefits can only be collected upon retirement, at around the age of 60, but individuals do not know how long they will live or whether they might suffer an accident. As for medical insurance, people who do not fall ill, or who are only occasionally ill, may feel that they are "losing out" by paying for coverage. Of course, if they do become ill, especially with a serious disease, they suffer physically and psychologically and still have to pay a substantial portion of their medical expenses out of pocket. Although medical insurance does in fact provide important protection, many people nevertheless feel that they are getting a bad deal. As for unemployment and housing protection, many people cannot obtain unemployment benefits even when they lose their jobs (social insurance authorities often find various reasons to refuse payment), while housing benefits are not necessarily accessible in practice. Work-related injury and maternity insurance likewise involve numerous eligibility requirements and obstacles when people attempt to claim their benefits.
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Faced with these risks and uncertainties, as well as immediate pressures in their daily lives, choosing not to contribute to social insurance and instead saving the money for personal use has become a natural choice for many people. Although this is detrimental to their prospects of obtaining stable and adequate social protection in the long run, particularly because they may be unable to receive a pension in old age, it is nevertheless a reluctant choice made after weighing the competing considerations.
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For non-state-owned enterprises and small and medium-sized businesses that employ workers, many are likewise unwilling to pay social insurance contributions for their employees in order to reduce labor costs. Compared with individuals, enterprises must contribute a higher percentage for each employee, averaging around 20% of the employee's wages. Combined with the approximately 10% contributed by the individual, this means that roughly 30% of each worker's wages must be paid into social insurance. If housing provident fund contributions are also included, as much as 40% of an individual's wages cannot be "safely pocketed" but are instead "held" by the government.
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As the saying goes, "the wool ultimately comes from the sheep." Although employers' social insurance contributions are nominally deducted from corporate profits, in reality, businesses compensate for these expenses by suppressing employees' wages and benefits. Ultimately, it is still employees who bear the costs of social insurance. There are also cases in which an enterprise pays social insurance contributions for its employees while maintaining the same wage levels it would have paid without making those contributions. However, in such circumstances, the enterprise faces increased risks and financial pressures, affecting its ultimate profitability and competitiveness relative to other businesses.
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Compared with state-owned enterprises, which are generally larger, possess abundant resources, and enjoy strong policy support, most private enterprises are smaller, face greater operational pressures, and have lower profit margins. If the burden of social insurance contributions increases, private enterprises, which already struggle to survive, will become even more vulnerable. In recent years, the economic downturn, compounded by the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, has already left many private enterprises in difficult circumstances. Mandatory social insurance contributions will only make their situation worse.

Moreover, because both workers and enterprises must pay social insurance contributions and consequently face greater financial pressure, labor-management tensions will intensify, business operations and development will become less stable, and ultimately both business owners and ordinary workers will suffer.

Although the law requires both workers and employers to pay social insurance contributions, making nonpayment illegal, in practice the authorities have long tended to "turn a blind eye," while judicial authorities have generally followed an approach of "no complaint, no intervention." This has allowed enterprises and individual workers to decide whether to contribute to social insurance according to their own circumstances, giving them greater autonomy and flexibility.

However, the latest judicial interpretation issued by the Supreme People's Court means that companies and individuals must pay social insurance contributions; otherwise, their labor contracts will be invalid, and the legal rights and interests of both employees and employers cannot be protected. In reality, the Supreme People's Court's decision reflects the will of the Communist Party and the attitude of the government.

In other words, the Chinese authorities are requiring workers to make mandatory social insurance contributions. Furthermore, under various local policies, not only employees of formally registered enterprises but also self-employed business owners, small street vendors, and other "flexibly employed workers" (灵活就业人员) must contribute to social insurance. Otherwise, their children's access to education and other rights and benefits may be affected. This means that even more people will face the financial burden imposed by mandatory social insurance contributions.

(Due to character limits, the article has to be published in two parts. This is the first part.)

(This article was written by Wang Qingmin (王庆民), a Chinese writer and international political affairs researcher based in Europe. The original text is in Chinese.)

If you've looked at China in satellite view, you've probably noticed the roads and labels don't match the photos. They're usually off by about 500 m, so streets run through buildings and labels sit on the wrong block.

That's because China requires maps to use GCJ-02, a deliberately offset coordinate system. Google draws its roads and labels in GCJ-02 but its satellite photos at their true positions, so the two never line up.

China Satellite Align moves the photos onto the roads and labels, so everything matches again. Clicking places, search and the right-click menu work as usual. It also works in globe view.

- Free, no account, one on/off switch in the toolbar
- Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan aren't shifted by Google, so they're left as they are

Privacy

It doesn't collect, store or send any of your data. The only thing it saves is the on/off switch, and the only extra requests it makes are for Google's own photo tiles, without your cookies.

Caveats

- It moves the photos, not the roads, so the coordinates Google shows still match the roads, not true GPS.
- Right at a border (Hong Kong, Macau, neighboring countries) you may see a seam where the photos jump.
- Some photos take a moment longer to sharpen, since it downloads a few extra tiles from Google.
- Google's map data for mainland China is often years out of date anyway, so newer roads may be missing.
- A Google Maps update could break it until I fix it.

Get it on the Chrome Web Store

I'm the developer. Feedback and bug reports are welcome, especially if you spot a place that still looks off (other than the borders).